Coup in DRC; Christian Malanga, a political leader who previously lived in the U.S, and the leader of the US-based United Congolese Party, was killed along with his troops in a coup attempt in Kinshasa DRC on May 19, 2024. According to official sources, Malanga tried to force entry into the Palais de la Nation. One of the arrested U.S. citizens was Malanga’s son, was also involved in the failed coup. The coup attempt was broadcast live on Facebook by the Malanga's Coups in Africa. The recent attempted coup d’etat in the Democratic Republic of Congo is not a new phenomenon in Africa. However regional and continental responses to coups have differed significantly. Coups in Africa over the last seven decades can be associated to the nature and evolution of politics and citizen responses. The recent spate of coups since 2021 in Sudan, Mali, Guinea, Burkina Faso, Niger and Gabon varied in character from the coups of the previous decades. It can be noted that there has been a shift in the motivation for coups. A common practice was the manipulation of national constitutions for term extensions, rigged electoral outcomes, deterioration of security and a rise in anti-colonial sentiment. In Niger the coup was motivated by ‘the continuous deterioration of the security situation and bad social and economic management’. In Guinea, the junta slammed Alpha Conde for ‘mismanagement, corruption and bad governance’. While some coups, particularly those in Guinea and Gabon, have been framed as attempts to restore democracy. The international dimension of previous coups was centred largely around the hidden hands of external powers, recent coups have had an undertone of anti-imperialist sentiment among citizens, mostly against France. In Mali, this resulted in the expulsion of French troops and similar agitations in Niger. Africa has seen an increase in the use of foreign military elements – such as the Wagner Group to secure the country has increased after coups in Mali and Burkina Faso, in particular, with similar expectations in Niger. In an attempt to address these phenomenon regional and continental norms were tightened which resulted in the Algiers decision on unconstitutional changes of government and the subsequent adoption of the 2000 Lomé Declaration. The former banned coup-makers from attending Organisation of African Unity summits, while the latter pronounced on unconstitutional changes of government (UCGs), defining a zero-tolerance policy against coups. The outcomes of these responses, coupled with the spread of democracy, significantly reduced coup numbers. To further stifle the reoccurrence of coups in Africa it is recommended that the Peace and Security Council (PSC) of the African Union should advocate a comprehensive review of existing frameworks to counter UCGs with specific reference to the Lomé Declaration and the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance. In an ideal world the decision to change an ineffective, corrupt and unresponsive government should be left in the hands of an informed voter to bring about democratic change. The outcomes of these responses, coupled with the spread of democracy, significantly reduced coup numbers. To further stifle the reoccurrence of coups in Africa it is recommended that the Peace and Security Council (PSC) of the African Union should advocate a comprehensive review of existing frameworks to counter UCGs with specific reference to the Lomé Declaration and the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance. In an ideal world the decision to change an ineffective, corrupt and unresponsive government should be left in the hands of an informed voter to bring about democratic change.